Analysis
Cha Cha is about Political
Survival
The political crisis
now cannot be solved by the shift to a parliamentary system with Macapagal-Arroyo
and her allies imposing themselves upon the Filipino people. The Filipino
people need less of them, not more.
BY BENJIE OLIVEROS
Bulatlat
Against all odds, the
Macapagal-Arroyo administration and its allies in the House of
Representatives are ramming through their charter change initiative. After
being stopped by the Supreme Court in its track of making a mockery of the
people’s initiative provision in the 1987 Constitution, they are now using
once again the tyranny of numbers in the House. Speaker Jose De Venecia’s
boys have shown once again that they are bereft of logic and reason,
bringing back memories of their handling of the two impeachment
complaints.
But of course, there
is a similarity and connection in their desperation then and now.
Not for economic
progress
In spite of the bold
pronouncements by President Arroyo that charter change will bring the
nation at par with First World countries, there is nothing substantial in
the proposed amendments in the economic provisions that have not been
implemented yet through legal machinations. The Macapagal-Arroyo
administration plans to further liberalize the economy by removing the
restrictions on foreign investments especially in the ownership of land,
exploitation of the country’s natural resources, and operation of basic
utilities and other protected industries such as insurance and brokerage
firms. It’s as if the economy has not been liberalized enough.
Through the Foreign
Technical Assistance Agreement, foreign mining companies such as
Lafayette, Western Mining Corporation, among others, have been extracting
the country’s mineral resources and contaminating its rivers and
irrigation systems with mine tailings. In terms of basic utilities, a
closer look at the company profiles of Manila Water and Maynilad reveals
that United Utilities of Britain, Mitsubishi of Japan, and Odeo of France,
respectively, are major stockholders of these water companies.
There is still a
limit on the number of branches offshore banks can establish and in the
controlling shares foreign companies can hold in insurance, investment,
and brokerage firms. But the major players in portfolio investments are
foreign finance and investment firms anyway. And the International
Monetary Fund-World Bank (IMF-WB) has been dictating how the country’s
finances should be managed and how the economy should be run.
The globalization
thrusts of liberalization, deregulation, and privatization are already in
full swing; the government has been going around the restrictions on
foreign investments provided by the Constitution; and is following the
impositions of the IMF-WB to the letter. The removal of restrictions on
foreign capital in the Constitution is mere icing on the cake of poverty
that the Filipino people are being made to swallow.
But still the country
is nowhere near the level of First World countries. In fact, the economy
and the Filipino people are worse off with globalization.
It’s about
political survival
The shift to a
parliamentary system would not mend the political divisions, and put an
end to “destabilization” efforts and coups d’etat as claimed by Malacanang
and Speaker de Venecia. In the first place, political divisions and
political instability happen even in parliamentary systems. Secondly and
the more important point is that the cause of all these is the crisis of
legitimacy of the Macapagal-Arroyo administration.
What President Arroyo
and De Venecia’s ilk are trying to solve through charter change is the
crisis of legitimacy of the Macapagal-Arroyo administration and their
impending defeat in the May 2007 elections. Their impending defeat is
confirmed by the continuing dissatisfaction rating of President Arroyo and
the Pulse Asia survey showing the administration bets being wiped out in
the senatorial race. The same results may be expected in elections for the
House.
If they succeed in
ramming through charter change, they hope to stave off the crisis and
legitimize Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s continued stay in Malacanang;
strengthen her power, by giving her the powers of both president and prime
minister and make it easier for her to declare Martial Law, to crush
opposition to her rule; prevent her impeachment especially because of the
high probability that the opposition would win the majority in both
Houses; extend the tenure of the administration-dominated Congress to buy
time to prepare to cheat in the next elections; and remove limits to their
terms so that they can continue perpetuating themselves in power..
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
and her executive secretary cum mentor on the workings of Martial Law,
Eduardo Ermita, are planning to do ala Marcos when the latter appropriated
the 1971 Constitutional Convention to ensure a shift to a unicameral
parliamentary system. The parliamentary system then did not lead to
political stability. It gave birth to a rubber-stamp parliament called
Batasang Pambansa. It also gave a semblance of legitimacy to Marcos’
continued rule. However, it deepened the political divisions in the
country which eventually led to his ouster.
The political crisis
now cannot be solved by the shift to a parliamentary system with Macapagal-Arroyo
and her allies imposing themselves upon the Filipino people. The Filipino
people need less of them, not more.
Archbishop Angel
Lagdameo is right when he said that graft and corruption is not committed
by the Constitution but in the application of it. He further said that it
is the people who commit graft and corruption who need to change. Perhaps
Archbishop Lagdameo is just being polite. The people who commit graft and
corruption need to change and be changed. Bulatlat
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