This story
was taken from Bulatlat, the Philippines's alternative weekly
newsmagazine (www.bulatlat.com, www.bulatlat.net, www.bulatlat.org).
Vol. V, No. 24, July 24-30, 2005
Commentary
Confronting the Crisis: The People’s
Democratic Council
The proposed people’s
democratic council will be radically different from the present presidential
leadership which has long been in the hands of bureaucrats and family dynasties
whose supposed legitimacy in office is continually tarnished by electoral fraud,
corruption, plunder and other crimes.
By Bobby Tuazon In the intensity of the
current political crisis in the Philippines, the formation of a people’s
democratic council comes as a proposal worth looking into. It is gaining
attention in many discussion circles in the grassroots movement, the academe,
among students, the church and even among middle class institutions all over the
country. The proposal for the
formation of a people’s democratic council – first initiated by leading militant
and patriotic groups as well as the progressive party-list bloc in Congress – is
certain to gain more steam as the legislature gears for impeachment proceedings
in the days and weeks ahead against the embattled president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. As first proposed, the
council seeks to replace the current presidency now occupied by Macapagal-Arroyo
who stands accused of electoral fraud, alleged connections with illegal gambling
and other charges. The council will be set up soon after the president is ousted
from office by popular clamor through a peaceful uprising. It will draft a
pro-people constitution, reform the government and initiate the holding of
elections. To be represented in the
council are leaders of mass organizations of workers, farmers, urban poor, women
and other democratic forces including professionals, small businessmen as well
as known leaders from traditional opposition parties and patriotic members of
the armed forces and police involved in the historic ouster of Macapagal-Arroyo.
In effect, the council will
be radically different from the present presidential leadership which has long
been in the hands of bureaucrats and family dynasties whose supposed legitimacy
in office is continually tarnished by electoral fraud, corruption, plunder and
other crimes. Essentially, it seeks to transfer political power from the ruling
elite to the people themselves – or at least a coalition of various forces
opposed to the president. Because it restructures
political power in favor of the democratic forces, it is expected to face
obstacles and elite hostility. This early, some officials of the Armed Forces of
the Philippines (AFP) and Philippine National Police (PNP) have threatened to
intervene if Macapagal-Arroyo is forced to step down and the council – which
they said would be dominated by the “left” – takes power. Political allies of
the president including local governors and mayors, who believe they are elected
into office unlike the “mob democracy” that aims to topple the president, have
likewise threatened to declare separate local “republics” in a post-Arroyo
scenario. Options The alternative is for
Macapagal-Arroyo holding on to power for as long as she could, which also means
depending on the level of support from her allies and the U.S. government. There
is also the Fidel V. Ramos formula: allowing Macapagal-Arroyo to stay as
“caretaker president” for a year within which the constitution will be amended
to pave the way for a parliamentary government and the election of a new
president and prime minister. The other is “constitutional succession” with Vice
President Noli de Castro replacing the incumbent president. Political forces
loyal to the ousted president, Joseph Estrada, are rooting for the latter to
take back his seat or as head of a “transition council.” The trouble with all these
options lies in the fact that these do not address the roots of the crisis
engulfing the presidency and the political system as a whole. The crisis is
characterized by the fact that the national government has become ungovernable
owing to the questionable legitimacy of the incumbent president. Congress,
meanwhile, cannot perform its legislative function as it is anticipated to be
preoccupied in the next months mainly with either defending or impeaching the
president. If recent opinion surveys
are to be believed, eight out of 10 Filipinos want Macapagal-Arroyo to leave
although her perceived successors – again based on the surveys – also vary. The
widespread political uncertainty ensuing from the non-resolution of the
presidential crisis is also expected to induce a financial collapse by the end
of this year. The crisis of the
presidency underscores in no uncertain terms the inability of the ruling
political elite to govern precisely because for decades they have used the
government merely as an instrument for prolonging their political and economic
power even if the society has long been pregnant with the need for a
comprehensive social transformation. For long, the country’s electoral system
has been despoiled in the elite intramurals for power grab. The results of the
May 2004 polls show that the electoral process has failed even if only on the
matter of legitimizing elite political authority or the “peaceful” transfer of
power from one faction of the ruling elite to another. To the electorate, the
elections are not a democratic institution even if for just a day while –
in-between elections - the people agonize under conditions of misery, oppression
and injustice and the country’s rulers wallow in corruption, greed and economic
plunder. In short, these options are
intended to recycle the corrupt-ridden presidency that in turn reprocesses the
rotten political system. Either way, any of these options will only aggravate
the crisis and the entire nation will remain in perpetual agony. These will in
fact quicken what may yet become inevitable under the present circumstances – a
revolutionary situation. First
move The proposed people’s
democratic council is the first step toward the eventual transfer of political
leadership from the elite to the people. From what we gather, however,
proponents of the council have no illusion that the reactionary leadership of
the country’s political institutions will be transferred fully to the people’s
representatives – or that it will materialize without any violent resistance
from the traditional elite. Just the same, the new political structure seeks to
ensure that the democratic interests of the vast majority of the people will be
represented in the new government. Aside from those already
cited, the council’s short-term tasks include investigation into the recent
electoral frauds; electoral and other political reforms; rendering of justice
and indemnification to human rights victims; solving the fiscal crisis by
cancelling or repudiation all odious debts; resumption of peace negotiations
with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the National Democratic Front
of the Philippines (NDFP) through the fulfillment of all existing agreements;
and protecting the country from the ravages of free-market globalization and
reversing the disastrous structural adjustment programs imposed by the country’s
creditors. Definitely, the people’s
council runs smack against the bourgeois doctrine long espoused by the elite
that only they are capable of ruling and the unlettered masses as the ruled or
mere followers. In repudiating this elitist politics, the council can be the
single most significant step in transferring the powers of governance to where
it really belongs – the sovereign people. The people are capable of taking over
the country’s political leadership because governance will now be based on
addressing the broad democratic interests and aspirations of the people. Real
people power can now be mobilized for the attainment of real democracy,
development and social justice. It would have signaled the
beginning of the end of elite hegemony which in the first place has been causing
the country’s perennial crisis. It is the first step in bringing to an end the
political and economic crisis that has long hounded the nation. Bulatlat © 2004 Bulatlat
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