“You had a few
hacienderos (plantation owners) who had a benevolent sense of
responsibility to the people and when their workers got sick they would
pay for their care and that type of thing,” she says, “but that was the
exception.”
If that were the
exception, what was the rule? Let’s hear it from her:
“I remember I spent
one week working with the women in the field, I did that with a group of
seminarians who had come to Negros for an immersion; I spent one week,
they spent six weeks. And going to the fields with the women early in the
morning – at that time they were putting fertilizer, and they had to dig a
little hole and drop the pellet in, and we held the fertilizer in an
apron, in front and it weighed about probably at least 15 lbs., and my
back was aching and of course I was tired and so I said to the women, ‘Do
you ever get used to the work?’ and the answer was: ‘Oh yes, we’re used to
the work. What we’ll never get used to are the cries of our children when
they cannot sleep because they’re hungry.’ And this was the everyday life
of most of the sugar workers.”
Debts and
landowner brutality
Sometimes, she said,
she would be with the workers as they lined up for their pay at the end of
a week. Most of them would get no money but only a list of expenses they
had incurred.
“To buy food or
anything, they had to buy from the company store, and it was deducted from
their salary,” she reveals. “But of course the cost of these supplies was
much higher in the hacienda than if they could have gone out to buy.”
“And so many of them
really never got money, they only got their debts reduced,” she adds.
She also tells the
story of a man who had lost four children, all to malnutrition and
diseases he couldn’t afford to buy medicine for. The man hailed from
Antique province but worked in Negros Occidental. The man owned land in
Antique, she says, but didn’t go back there. “We have land, but it’s not
near the road and we could not earn anything because if we grow food, we
have no place to sell it,” she remembers the man telling her when she
asked why they didn’t go back.
“Four children have
died, why don’t you at least go back where you could have food for your
children and live?” she remembers asking the man in return.
And that was where
she got the real answer: “Because I cannot pay my debts, I cannot go back
home.”
She also remembers
having talked with a hacienda owner who didn’t want the workers’ children
to go to high school because if they finished high school, she remembers
him telling her, there would be no one to work on the hacienda. “This was
an attitude that was very prevalent among the owners of the haciendas,”
she says. “They really looked upon the workers as implements of labor.”
And she tells stories
of landowner brutality: of goons pointing their guns at peasants as they
brought landgrabbing cases to court, of a hacienda owner in La Carlota
who, when the workers he employed went on strike, sent goons to destroy
the vegetables they had planted to stave off hunger during the strike, and
other similar instances.
CBHP
In the martial law
years, she helped establish the CBHP, which involves doctors, nurses, and
other health workers going to the remote areas where they heal the sick
and harness the potentials of community members – most of whom didn’t even
get past elementary school.
From three pilot
areas in 1973 – Iligan City, Lanao del Norte; Palo, Leyte; and Ilagan,
Isabela – the CBHP attracted scores of other health workers and sprouted
in other areas throughout the country. The growth of the CBHP led to the
establishment in 1988 of the Council for Health and Development (CHD),
which serves as the national organization of CBHPs, coordinates and
consolidates the program, and provides the services required by these.
In the course of her
work in the CBHP, she would get to meet, among others, Dr. Bobby de la Paz
– for whom she has the highest esteem.
A graduate of the
University of the Philippines (UP) College of
Medicine,
De la Paz ignored the temptations of greener pastures abroad, which had
lured many of his classmates. He also diverted from the path taken by his
relatives, who had opted to work in private practice and hospitals.
Instead he chose to work as a community doctor in
Samar, one of the country’s poorest
provinces. It was as a community doctor in Samar that De la Paz was felled
by military bullets – accused of giving medical aid to New People’s Army (NPA)
guerrillas and their suspected supporters. Twenty-two bullets were pumped
into the young doctor’s body.
Faith and hope
Her involvement in
the Philippine social movement both as missionary and community health
worker, she says, enriched her experience of Christianity.
“I had grown up in an
era when we were taught catechism, and who is God, and this and that; but
these answers didn’t hold water anymore,” she says, “and then I really
asked myself: ‘Do I believe? Am I only pretending to believe because I am
afraid to say I’m not a Christian?”’ But little by little, I began to find
three qualities that I believe could identify a God I could believe in:
truth, justice, and loving compassion. So in the future, when I would meet
people and be invited to participate in activities, I could just ask
myself: ‘Is this helping to search for truth? Is it working for justice?
Are the actions of these people showing love and compassion, particularly
for the poor and the oppressed?’ Yes I still believe in God, but very
different from the God I believed in from my catechism lessons.”
In less than two
weeks, she leaves the Philippines – which has become a second home for her
– for a new assignment in Myanmar.
What are her hopes for the Philippines, where she spent more than 40
years?
“My hope is that the
Philippines would finally have a democratic government, where its people
could enjoy the fruits of their love and labor,” she says. “I don’t think
the Philippines has ever had a democratic government. But I wish we could
see that before its rich resources and beautiful environment are totally
destroyed.” Bulatlat
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