Corruption in the Military
In the post-Marcos
period the military hierarchy was virtually calling the crucial shots in
state affairs. It was a milieu where the president was
"commander-in-chief" only in name who had to deal with the U.S.-supported
AFP hierarchy with utmost caution and prudence.
By Dan Vizmanos
Posted by Bulatlat
Corrosive corruption
in the military institution is not a recent phenomenon. Its origin dates
back to the Marcos regime. The strongman deliberately corrupted, misused
and exploited the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) for 1) despicable
self-serving reasons; and 2) to ensure his control and manipulation of the
organization for the impending martial law period.
In this milieu the
role of Philippine Military Academy (PMA) graduates became prominent
because, although comprising the minority in the Officer Corps, they were
the ones who dominated the military organization. Among the predisposing
factors that contributed to the errant behavior of PMA graduates were the
following:
- Perversion of the
"honor code" where the "mistah" (clan fellowship) mentality nurtured a
sense of elitism and self-righteous behavior leading to excesses and
abuses in the organization and its dealings with civil society;
- Adherence to a
"code of silence" ("omerta" in Mafia society) that prevented disclosure
of errant behavior and inimical acts such as "hazing" and the "produce"
traditions;
- The "produce"
tradition where upperclassmen forced plebes to generate the formers'
needs and desires (usually food) through whatever means including
illicit acquisition, e.g., stealing and pilferage.
- Propensity to
commit human rights violations due to the continuing practice of
"hazing" despite its being banned by law and PMA regulations.
Impulsive and
uninhibited young lieutenants, particularly from PMA classes 1970, 1971
and 1972, were the ones fully exploited by Marcos to do the special jobs,
within the framework of military supremacy over civil society, during his
draconian rule. Among them were Lieutenants Gringo Honasan, Panfilo Lacson,
Rodolfo Aguinaldo, Billy Bibit, Victor Batac and Carlos Garcia who later
rose to the rank of field grade officers and generals.
Many people ask why
military excesses and abuses continued even after the fall of Marcos. The
reason is because the corrupt and brutal military institution remained in
place in the service of the succeeding Aquino, Ramos, Estrada and Arroyo
regimes. The fact that not a single member was charged, prosecuted,
convicted and imprisoned for past crimes and atrocities encouraged the
unchastened officers to carry on with unlawful and immoral acts and
behavior.
In the post-Marcos
period the military hierarchy was virtually calling the crucial shots in
state affairs. It was a milieu where the president was
"commander-in-chief" only in name who had to deal with the U.S.-supported
AFP hierarchy with utmost caution and prudence. This demeanor also applied
to Fidel Ramos (the initiator of 25 "push-ups" for coup plotters)
notwithstanding his military background. The military was, in effect,
given license to act and behave as it pleased and get what it wanted in
pursuit of ideological and sectarian self-serving interests.
One may ask why
"conversion" and other malignant forms of corruption were never revealed
or reported despite full knowledge of the perfidy by almost everybody in
the Officer Corps. Simply because the "whistle-blower" would be at the
mercy of the top brass conspiracy that had institutionalized the crimes at
the highest level of command, not only in GHQ but also in all Major
Services and major commands.
U.S. authorities in
the U.S. Embassy and JUSMAG (through local assets in the intelligence
community) certainly knew about corruption in the military. They kept
their peace and tolerated the perfidy as long as it was still manageable
and confined to isolated cases at the lower echelons. They became unduly
alarmed and concerned when they realized that the "cancer" had already
metastasized up to the highest levels of command.
When the U.S. Customs
and Immigration authorities discovered the Garcia family's modus operandi,
the U.S. government had no choice but to allow matters to unravel. Its
main reasons for concern:
- The adverse and
corrosive effect of institutionalized and malignant corruption at the
highest levels of the hierarchy on the still untainted junior officers
and rank-and-file who are at the forefront of counterinsurgency and
anti-terrorist campaigns.
- The main task of
the AFP as "proxy army" and "asset" in U.S. proxy wars
(counterinsurgency & anti-terrorist operations) is the protection and
upholding of U.S. economic and strategic interests in the region.
Because of metastasized corruption at the highest levels of command, the
"asset" was bound to lose its effectiveness, moral high ground and
capability to deal with the "insurgency" (read: anti-imperialist and
anti-fascist movements) to the detriment of U.S. neocolonial interests.
Decent and
law-abiding Filipinos need not be surprised why corruption in the military
has reached such a high degree of malignancy and perfidy. What can one
expect from a military hierarchy that rationalizes and justifies its
corrupt behavior by pointing upward to the perfidious examples set by its
commander-in-chief?
Corruption in the
military institution is a symptom that merely reflects the more pervasive
and unconscionable corruption in an iniquitous and decaying social order.
Taking it in tow is a graft-ridden and termite-infested "ship of state"
heading toward extremely dangerous political reefs and shoals! Posted By
Bulatlat
4 December 2004
Vizmanos is a retired Navy captain and former AFP Inspector General.
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