Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; to unearth facts Volume 2, Number 27 August 11-17, 2002 Quezon City, Philippines |
NEWS
ANALYSIS President
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo declared “all-out, no-nonsense war” against
Communist guerillas last August 5. A few days later, the government’s
highest-ranking peace negotiators seemed to be rushing to finally forge a
comprehensive peace agreement with the National Democratic Front of the
Philippines (NDFP). But it’s only the government distorting the peace process
itself to serve its war-mongering ways. By
SANDRA NICOLAS The
Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) is stage-managing a collapse
of the stalled peace talks with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines
(NDFP) to help justify the president’s “all-out, no-nonsense war.” Various
GRP officials in separate statements last week gave the impression of a renewed
GRP effort to finally forge a comprehensive peace agreement and of an impending
resumption of the stalled talks. Chief
GRP peace panel negotiator Silvestre Bello III said they started working on a
draft on August 7 for presentation to Ms. Arroyo around August 16-17. Shadowy
“back channel” negotiator and presidential adviser for special concerns
Norberto Gonzales said the final peace agreement would be proposed to the NDFP
as soon as the Cabinet approves it. House Speaker Jose de Venecia optimistically
said three preliminary agreements could be signed in the next three to four
weeks and the final peace agreement in the next few months. Yet
there is no such feigned optimism on the other side of the negotiating table.
Chief NDFP negotiator Luis Jalandoni called the GRP statements “threatening
and deceptive.” NDFP chief political consultant Jose Ma. Sison meanwhile said
that the NDFP National Council was “re-examining the policy of peace
negotiations… and considering whether to terminate such negotiations or hold
them in abeyance until the Macapagal regime is replaced by another regime
willing to negotiate in accordance [with agreements].” Militarization
and repression The
seeming discordance on the GRP side is more apparent than real. On the surface
they give the impression of a good cop-bad cop routine delivering an ultimatum
for surrender. However, the timing of the seeming peace offensive – so soon
after the declaration of all-out war – and
especially the GRP’s moves outside the rapidly disintegrating peace process
are revealing. The
most important element on the GRP side is how the militarists, spearheaded by
Defense Secretary Gen. Angelo Reyes, decisively gained the upper hand since the
U.S. declared its “war on terrorism” last year. Hawks previously had to
contend with others in government who were advocating a political settlement
with the NDFP. But
the U.S.’ unequivocal stand on, by its view, the “terrorist” status of the
Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army (CPP-NPA) has defined the
GRP’s political line on the matter and undercut the government’s more
moderate elements. The U.S. State Department included the CPP-NPA on its
shortlist of allegedly terrorist organizations last September and formally
designated them as a “Foreign Terrorist Organization” just this August 9, a
too-coincidental few days after Secretary of State Colin Powell’s visit to
Manila. The
Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) confidence in a military solution has also
been buoyed by the prospects of increased U.S. military aid (initially U.S.$ 55
million), the U.S.’ direct if covert participation in combat operations
modeled after the joint anti-Abu Sayyaf Group campaign, and a looming 2003 war
budget from the national government. For
its part, the civilian government is clearly threatened by the effectiveness of
the progressive mass movement in exposing the administration’s foibles and
pathologically anti-people policies and practice. The critical open and legal
Left is being lumped together with the underground revolutionary movement
apparently in an attempt to intimidate the legal organizations with the
“all-out war” against the Communist guerillas. Bayan
Muna Party-List
representative Satur Ocampo already scored Ms. Arroyo’s declaration as “a
policy statement and marching order for the military and police to wage all-out
war not only against the CPP-NPA but also against progressive groups critical of
her government.” Human rights group Karapatan has already documented
125 cases of violence, including some 50 or so deaths, involving some 2,600
members of people’s organizations and human rights advocates since Ms. Arroyo
came to power. Ocampo’s
Bayan Muna seems to be a particular target of attack. To date, 23 leaders
and members of Bayan Muna have been killed in the course of their
community organizing and political education work. The military and the
Commission on Elections (Comelec) reportedly identified some 350 barangays in
the recent barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan elections for increased
military deployment, presumably to prevent the election of leaders perceived to
be sympathetic to the Left. Twisting
the peace process Even
within the peace process itself there is cause to doubt the GRP’s sincerity.
Notwithstanding its publicized peace overtures, the GRP has, in negotiations,
persistently sought to avoid genuinely addressing the roots of the current armed
conflict. It
has also insisted on imposing the GRP constitution as the overriding framework
for the talks and on setting indefinite ceasefires as preconditions.
Unfortunately, all these run against formal agreements signed, approved and
binding on both the GRP and the NDFP. The NDFP has merely insisted on the need
to assiduously adhere to agreements already reached. (see Talking Peace in a
Time of War for an account of these) Last
week’s peace pseudo-offensive is consistent with the GRP’s practice. The
arbitrarily short timeframe set and a single peace accord, for instance, play to
the public’s genuine desire for peace. However, they preclude the painstaking
work of genuine negotiations on the social, economic, political and
constitutional reforms necessary to lay the basis for a just and lasting peace. At
the same time the GRP is dragging its feet in implementing the landmark
Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International
Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) signed by the negotiating panels and approved by
their respective principals in 1998, and affirmed as binding and effective in
2001. If anything, Justice Secretary Hernani Perez has even persisted in using
the promised release of 47 more political prisoners as a bargaining chip. The
GRP knows the NDFP’s stand against capitulation and an unprincipled end to the
armed conflict. The malice of the current highly-publicized peace overtures
which essentially reiterate previously rejected proposals is then clear: to
prompt a collapse of the talks and, in brazen distortion of the facts, portray
the revolutionary movement as the party uninterested in peace. Fomenting
crisis Yet
the militarist path augurs the worst for the country in terms of setting back
efforts to resolve poverty, increased militarization of the countryside, and
repression of political dissent in the cities. Despite
GRP intransigence, the peace talks in principle remain an important venue for
democratic discussion of fundamental reforms for addressing the roots of armed
conflict. When it comes to radical alternatives no other venue comes close. The
historical experience in turn affirms what comes of unleashing military, police
and paramilitary groups in an indiscriminate campaign of repression. Widespread
state-sponsored and -instigated human rights violations invariably accompany
increased militarization as happened during the Marcos dictatorship, Aquino’s
“unsheathing of the sword of war,” Ramos’ Oplan Lambat Bitag and
Estrada’s “total war.” Genuine
peace talks aimed at fulfilling the people’s demand for liberation from
poverty are important. However it seems that the peace process has been reduced
to a black propaganda gimmick and the latest casualty in the GRP’s all-out
war. Bulatlat.com We want to know what you think of this article.
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